"B.C. Policy Perspectives" is the web log of Mark Crawford. THE PURPOSE OF THIS BLOG IS NOT PARTISAN OR IDEOLOGICAL. INSTEAD, I TRY TO IDENTIFY POSITIONS AND PERSPECTIVES THAT ARE NEGLECTED, DROWNED OUT OR UNDERREPRESENTED ELSEWHERE. Some politicians and journalists have found it helpful and interesting, and I hope that you do, too! This blog is linked to BOURQUE NEWSWATCH, THE TYEE, THE SIGHTLINE INSTITUTE, and The MARK NEWS. Check them out!!
Friday, September 10, 2021
The 2021 English Leaders' Debate
Friday, July 02, 2021
Hell-Fire
On the Legacy of Sir John A. Macdonald
The discovery of 215 bodies in Kamloops is a gruesome reminder that maybe “genocide” is an appropriate term to use for Canada’s assimilationist policies after all. And this may just be the tip of the iceberg: what will the final death toll be, once the grounds and the paper trails of every residential school in Canada have been thoroughly examined? Native Residential Schools were Canada’s Crime of the Century.
And yet… many people still think that it is wrong to be tearing down statues of our first Prime Minister, Sir John A. Macdonald, and removing his face from our currency, and his name from every school and every airport and public building. Why? Because, in the words of Macdonald’s most recent biographer, Richard Gwynn: “No Macdonald, no Canada.” And if there is no Canada, there is no New Treaties, no Section 35 of the Canada Act, no aboriginal title, no Delgamuukw case, no Chilcotin case. No official multiculturalism, no official bilingualism---and probably no universal medicare or gun control, for that matter.
Besides, according to Macdonald’s apologists, most of what befell the First Nations people was not really his fault. For example, it is argued that he never actually intended the starvation of the Plains Indians, who were devastated by the spread of new diseases and the decimation of the buffalo herd long before he took charge. Moreover, it is worth noting that attendance of indigenous children in residential schools did not become compulsory until 1920, which was 29 years after Sir John A.’s death.
David Frum attempts to restore Macdonald’s reputation in a recent Atlantic Monthly article. He states: "As attorney general of the pre-confederation province of Canada, [Macdonald] battled to protect escaped American slaves from extradition. His government persuaded the British government in 1862 to pass a new habeas corpus act that imposed new restrictions on cooperation with U.S. slave hunters. He welcomed Jewish immigration to Canada and for a long time strenuously but unsuccessfully resisted efforts to exclude Chinese immigrants … He headed a political coalition that bridged Canada’s great divide between French speakers and English speakers—and worked all his life for accommodation and respect between the two mutually suspicious cultures. … As the person who proposed the [residential] schools, Macdonald shares the blame for their grim human consequences. But … the worst wrongs in the schools happened after Macdonald had left this Earth, and could neither be aware of them, nor correct them.”
All of these things may be true, but Frum is still white-washing the past. It would be more accurate to say that Macdonald’s attitude to slavery mirrored that of the British Foreign Office: opposed to slavery in principle, but also willing to encourage the secession of the slave states if it meant that the USA was less of a threat to the British colonies. And although his attitude toward escaped slaves and immigrants may have been morally ambiguous, his attitude toward Canadian indigenous peoples was not. They stood in the way of his vision of continental expansion. So he was harder on them. He may not have been the initial cause of their starvation or of the near-extinction of the buffalo, but he still rationed their food relief so as to induce them into fixed settlements. He starved them. His motive for doing so was plain: he felt that land had to be taken for white settlements and for the Railway, and the natives forced into becoming agricultural and industrial workers, whether they wanted to or not.
Americans seem to be able to accept that Washington and Jefferson owned slaves, but it is difficult for Canadians even to accept that Macdonald authorized residential schools. That is because the residential school system is so recent, within the living memory of so many Indigenous Canadians. Sure, Macdonald may have only intended to “assimilate” native people and not to literally kill them. But ultimately, that is not such an easy or excusable distinction to make, as the discoveries in Kamloops make all-too clear.
Mark Crawford is an Associate Professor of political science at Athabasca University.
Saturday, May 22, 2021
Tom Berger, R.I.P.
I was saddened last month to hear of the passing of Thomas R Berger, the pioneering lawyer, human rights advocate, politician and Royal Commissioner who was famous for three things (although by no means only three): first, bringing the Calder case to the Supreme Court, which established in 1973 that Aboriginal title can exist in Canadian law; second, leading the MacKenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry; and third, leading the protest in 1982 that got the section 35 Aboriginal rights clause put back in the Constitution.
I knew Tom Berger. I was a friend of his daughter, Erin Berger, who was a classmate of mine at UBC. We were both working in Ottawa the fall after graduation, she as an Assistant to Ian Waddell and I as a Parliamentary Intern (in that capacity I worked for the Liberal MP Pierre Deniger and the NDP MP Nelson Riis in addition to a host of other activities.)
I had dinner with Tom and Erin one evening in Ottawa in November 1981, when he was in town (not, as it turned out, just to visit his daughter, but also to discuss what was happening with the constitutional negotiations.) I noticed that he seemed to be uncharacteristically anxious to finish eating and to hear what was on the news.
I vividly remember being in his hotel room, sitting down to watch the National News with him and Erin and like a thunderbolt, the lead story was his condemnation of the initial constitutional deal (which had left out native rights at the request of certain premiers). Then-prime minister Pierre Trudeau was saying to reporters that Berger, as a sitting judge, was “out of line” to be “getting mixed up in politics”, and then the proverbial s**t hit the fan.
The following day, Berger had an op-ed in the Globe and Mail, in which he took Canada’s elected leaders to task: “No words can deny what happened. The first Canadians — a million people and more — have had their answer from Canada’s statesmen. They cannot look to any of our governments to defend the idea that they are entitled to a distinct and contemporary place in Canadian life. Under the new constitution the first Canadians shall be the last. This is not the end of the story. The native peoples have not come this far to turn back now.”
As a result, a complaint against him was filed with the Canadian Judicial Council, and even the venerable Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Bora Laskin, criticized him for breaching the norms of judicial impartiality. But he could not remain silent in the face of what he saw as a fundamental injustice. As a result, Tom decided to resign from the Bench. He had sacrificed his judicial career, but in his mind it was worth it.
And it probably was worth it. His op-ed had galvanized the federal NDP to insist on the inclusion of the aboriginal rights clause, which – along with the activism of Indigenous leaders– made it clear to Trudeau that unless section 35 was reinstated, he could not count on their support for the patriation deal. The subsequent renegotiation brought native rights (and women’s rights) back into the Constitution. Among its progeny was the Tsilhqot’in case, which represented the first declaration by the Supreme Court of Aboriginal title for a First Nation in Canada. Its significance ranks on par with the Supreme Court’s previous decisions in Calder and Delgamuukw.
I recall a conversation I had with him about the life of David Lewis, the CCF-NDP firebrand who had just lost his battle with cancer, and whose autobiography, which I had been reading, was appropriately titled The Good Fight. Notwithstanding Tom’s patient and pleasant demeanour, it might have made a fitting banner for him as well. As it was, he eventually settled on an equally suitable title for his own memoir: One Man’s Justice.
His was the very definition of a life well lived.
Saturday, April 24, 2021
Review of David Lewis's Memoir, "The Good Fight".
<a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/5774639-the-good-fight" style="float: left; padding-right: 20px"><img border="0" alt="The Good Fight: Political Memoirs, 1909 1958" src="https://s.gr-assets.com/assets/nophoto/book/111x148-bcc042a9c91a29c1d680899eff700a03.png" /></a><a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/5774639-the-good-fight">The Good Fight: Political Memoirs, 1909 1958</a> by <a href="https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/8554737.David_Lewis">David Lewis</a><br/>
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<a href="https://www.goodreads.com/review/list/20856794-mark-crawford">View all my reviews</a>
Friday, April 16, 2021
List of qualifying digital news subscriptions - Canada.ca
List of qualifying digital news subscriptions - Canada.ca
Seeing the new digital newspaper subscription tax credit was just the nudge I needed to take out a couple of paid newspaper subscriptions to the Globe and Mail and i-politics.