While the Harper government's degradation of
Canadian democracy has been scary, I find its economic policies to be by far
the most disappointing aspect of its record. This fact was underscored for me
last fall when I attended a conference of academics in Banff, Alberta. I
happened to be seated at the same table as an economist from the University
of Calgary, and we got into a discussion
of the so-called "Economic Action Plan". (The economist in question
mentioned that Stephen Harper had been one of his students and that he had even
been one of Harper's examiners for his Master's Thesis. While Harper succeeded
in demonstrating the basic competence needed for the degree, it was plain that
this was the work of a future politician, not a future economist. ) Even at the university with the reputation of
being the most conservative in Canada, and Harper’s alma mater to boot, there
was little to cheer about.
A major point of conversation was the government’s belated
discovery of “consumer interest” after some political polling revealed a warm
voter response to Communications
Minister James Moore’s plan to have “more competition” in the telecom industry
by allowing American corporate giant Verizon into Canada. There are, it was pointed out to me, a couple
of big problems with this. First, I was referred to a study by another
economist named Jeff Church at Calgary’s
Institute of Public Policy, which indicated that lack of competition was not a
problem , that three is the standard number of
local wireless providers and the
rate of return in the Canadian industry is actually fairly normal. In fact, allowing Verizon in could conceivably
threaten the competitiveness of the industry in the long run. Second, if the government wished to have a genuine
“Consumers First” orientation, it would have to not rush into trade policies
that will have the effect of increasing the cost of clothing and sporting goods
coming from 72 Less Developed Countries. It also would also have to not rush
into the Canada-EU trade deal, which
will have the effect of raising drug prices by at least $1 billion per year.
Of course, economists are also keenly aware that the
biggest single source of Canada’s
relatively healthy performance during and after the financial crisis was not any conservative policy since 2006,
but rather our avoidance of conservative policies before 2006. In the first
Conservative budget in May of that year, Jim Flaherty tipped his hand: "These
changes [i.e. sub prime and 40-year mortgages] will result in greater choice
and innovation in the market for mortgage insurance, benefiting consumers and
promoting home ownership," Mr. Flaherty said. Luckily, he only got us ankle-deep
in financial deregulation by the time the crisis hit, and the looser mortgage
rules were subsequently reversed. But, we may well ask, how deeply in trouble
would we have been if the Conservatives had been enjoying a majority government
since, say, 2004? Canada's consumers should be grateful that we never had to learn the answer
to that question.
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